9 May 1945 in the memory culture of the Baltic States
Estonia is a country in north-eastern Europe. It is inhabited by around 1.3 million people and borders Latvia, Russia and the Baltic Sea. The most populous city and capital is Tallinn.
Today's Estonian state only regained its political independence in 1991 as a result of the so-called “Singing Revolution” in the Baltic states and in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Estonian independence was first proclaimed in 1918 and achieved through the “Estonian War of Independence” (1918-1920). As early as 1940, this first Estonian state was replaced by the “Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic”, which was founded under Soviet occupation. With an interruption due to the German occupation during the Second World War (1941-1944) and with slightly different borders, it was a constituent republic of the Soviet Union until 1991. Before 1918, the territory of present-day Estonia was part of the Russian Empire, with its northern part forming the Baltic Governorate of Estonia and its southern part the northern half of the Baltic Governorate of Livonia. In the High and Late Middle Ages and at the beginning of the early modern period, parts of today's country were also under Swedish, Danish and Polish rule, while the Livonian part was also under the sovereignty of the Teutonic Order until 1561.
Estonia has been part of the European Union and NATO since 2004.
Latvia is a Baltic state in the north-east of Europe and is home to about 1.9 million inhabitants. The capital of the country is Riga. The state borders in the west on the Baltic Sea and on the states of Lithuania, Estonia, Russia and Belarus. Latvia has been a member of the EU since 01.05.2004 and only became independent in the 19th century.
Lithuania is a Baltic state in northeastern Europe and is home to approximately 2.8 million people. Vilnius is the capital and most populous city of Lithuania. The country borders the Baltic Sea, Poland, Belarus, Russia and Latvia. Lithuania only gained independence in 1918, which the country reclaimed in 1990 after several decades of incorporation into the Soviet Union.
In Germany and many other Western European countries, the three Baltic states are regarded as a unified historical region. And indeed, in their interpretation of May 9, 1945, the political-cultural elites and the public in Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia agree. While in the former Soviet Union and still today in Russia and Belarus, it is seen as Victory Day over Nazi Germany, since 1990 it has never been part of the official state calendar in the Baltic states. Instead, it is understood as a symbolic date marking the beginning of the second Soviet occupation, which only ended with the restoration of independence at the end of the 20th century. However, this is where Baltic unity ends. The following analysis focuses on the memory culture in Lithuania, without losing sight of developments in Latvia and Estonia.
A return to the “golden age” of the interwar period
Thus, there was no room for May 9 in Lithuania's culture of remembrance. Meanwhile, in Latvia and Estonia, this date was only commemorated only insofar as it was associated with a loss of independence and the struggle to regain it.
Commemoration of the SS Volunteer Units
Within the European Union – particularly in Germany – as well as in Russia, the way Latvia and Estonia have approached the remembrance of SS legionnaires is widely seen as an example of historical revisionism. The two Baltic states frequently face accusations of rehabilitating National Socialism and downplaying the possible involvement of SS legionnaires in the Holocaust. After all, the SS was officially declared a "criminal organization" in the Nuremberg War Crimes Trials. This perspective stands in stark contrast to the collective memory in Latvia and Estonia, where the emphasis is placed on different historical aspects. Critics argue that the Latvian and Estonian SS legions fought for Nazi Germany and should be regarded as collaborators. However, for many Latvians and Estonians, the primary significance of these units lies in their fight against the Soviet Union toward the end of the war – an effort seen as ultimately aimed at securing Latvian and Estonian independence.
This example illustrates the complexity and contradictions inherent in memory politics, particularly in countries that endured the occupation of two opposing ideological regimes – National Socialism and Stalinism.
In the case of Lithuania, it also becomes clear that memory culture is a changeable phenomenon. A significant shift occurred after 1990, particularly with the country’s accession to the European Union in 2004. At that moment, the national myth centered around the
The Grand Duchy of Lithuania emerged at the latest around 1230 in the course of the unification of the Lithuanian duchies. As the Teutonic Order barred access to the Baltic Sea, the Grand Duchy's expansion was largely oriented towards the east and south, where it competed with the Principality of Moscow for dominance over the Ruthenian population. Grand Duke Gediminas conquered Kiev in 1320. From 1386, the Grand Duchy was under the same ruler as the Polish kingdom (personal union), also in order to stand its area against the two rivals to the west and east. In 1569, Poland and the Grand Duchy of Lithuania also became unified states.
Russian pressure on the Baltic cultures of remembrance
In Lithuania, it was not only historians who took part in the discussion, but also other groups including entrepreneurs, politicians, and journalists. Probably for the first time after 1990, a new assessment of May 9 was formulated – the notion of the “war after the war”, which soon became widespread. This interpretation recalled that hundreds of thousands of Lithuanians had fallen victim to Stalinist deportation and terror policies. From 1944 onward, Lithuanian nationalist partisans fought against Soviet rule. In the end, the Lithuanian government declined the invitation to Moscow.
Due to Lithuania's involvement in the Holocaust, it was impossible for Lithuanian politicians to completely ignore this date. Even in the run-up to EU accession, the issue of complicity, which clashed with the widespread narrative of victimhood, had emerged. For this reason, a conscious decision was made to commemorate the 60th anniversary of the victory over Nazi Germany in Vilnius on May 8, 2005. This event invited World War II veterans from both sides of the front: soldiers who had fought in the Soviet Army during the war, as well as veterans from the local Lithuanian Plechavičius units


Similar discussions took place in Latvia and Estonia, with the heads of state of the two Baltic nations responding differently to Putin’s invitation: while the President of Latvia attended the Moscow event, a negative view of May 9 solidified, one that remains unchanged to this day.




Russia's sanctions
As with the sanctions previously applied to Lithuania (including bullying tactics in the food trade and a freeze on oil deliveries due to allegedly defective pipelines), these actions demonstrate that Russia no longer defended its ideological symbols merely through rhetoric but also with concrete measures. However, even this approach had little effect on the evaluation of May 9. On the contrary, the negative perception intensified further after Russia's aggression against Ukraine, particularly following the occupation of Crimea in 2014.
The war initiated by Russia against Ukraine in February 2022 solidified the current interpretation of May 9. In Latvia and Estonia, all related events were banned. In Lithuania, there were also no major celebrations. In response to the Russian attack on Ukraine, the Lithuanians went even further than the Estonians had in 2007, prohibiting people from wearing the ribbon of St. George
May 9th as a symbol of Soviet rule
Thus, we find a clear answer to the question raised in the title of this article: Despite Russia's attempts to impose its interpretation of May 9 on the Baltic states, this day is not remembered there as a day of victory, but rather as a symbol of Soviet rule.