The Baltic Region as the Prototype for All of Colonial History?

(Art) Historiography and Daily Politics
,
Die Kunst der estnischen Nationalromantik, die sich mit der langen Unterdrückung durch ausländische Großgrundbesitzer auseinandersetzt. Kristjan Raud, Wann? Tusche, Gouache, Bleistift, 1905
Photo credit:
Estonian National Romanticist art addressing the long oppression under foreign landlords. Kristjan Raud, When? Indian ink, gouache, pencil, 1905. Eesti Kunstimuuseum, Tallinn, Free access - no reuse
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The myth that Livland had been a German colony since its Christianization in the 13th-century began to serve contemporary political interests around 1900. How did this myth present itself in art historical narratives?
Though German colonialism was geographically widespread, spanning the continents of Africa, Asia and Oceania, its history is usually seen as a very short-lived phenomenon (roughly the period 1884–1914).1 This article looks at this topic via a different angle: the old myth of the 
Baltics
lat. Balticum, deu. Baltikum, deu. Baltische Staaten, deu. Baltische Provinzen

The Baltic States is a region in the north-east of Europe and is composed of the three states Estonia, Latvia and Lithuania. The Baltic States are inhabited by almost 6 million people.

Baltikum in the Online Encyclopedia of the Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe (German)
 as the very prototype of European colonialism. It was namely believed that the Christianization of the Baltic lands by the Germans in the early 13th century led this region to become a German colony.
Interpretation des 19. Jahrhunderts der ersten mittelalterlichen Kontakte zwischen den christianisierenden Deutschen und den Einheimischen des Baltikums. Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell: Die Abgesandten des Bischofs von Riga werden von den aufrührerischen Li
Interpretation des 19. Jahrhunderts der ersten mittelalterlichen Kontakte zwischen den christianisierenden Deutschen und den Einheimischen des Baltikums. Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell: Die Abgesandten des Bischofs von Riga werden von den aufrührerischen Li
19th-century interpretation of the first contacts between the Christianizsing Germans and the local inhabitants of the Baltic region. Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell, Envoys of the Bishop of Riga Captured by Rebellious Livs. Anno 1211. Copper engraving from the series Fünfzig Bilder aus der Geschichte der Deutschen Ostsee-Provinzen Russlands nebst erklärendem Text, B. 2. Dorpat 1842. Eesti Kunstimuuseum, Tallinn, Free access - no reuse
19th-century interpretation of the first contacts between the Christianizsing Germans and the local inhabitants of the Baltic region. Friedrich Ludwig von Maydell, Envoys of the Bishop of Riga Captured by Rebellious Livs. Anno 1211. Copper engraving from the series Fünfzig Bilder aus der Geschichte der Deutschen Ostsee-Provinzen Russlands nebst erklärendem Text, B. 2. Dorpat 1842. Eesti Kunstimuuseum, Tallinn, Free access - no reuse
In the general history of colonialism, the idea of 'protocolonialism' has mostly been applied to the contexts of the Mediterranean region during the medieval period or in the 17th and18th centuries, namely, the immediate pre-history of 19th-century colonies.2 But how much sense does it make to talk about the colonization of Livonia3 in these terms? 
Colonial relations certainly existed also inside Europe.4 Eastern Europe more broadly has long been marginalized in the Western discourse – constructed as the 'internal other' – a dimension that narratives of architectural history in particular, so tightly connected to geography, have the capacity to make visible.5 In the case of the Baltic region, seeing this is not so much a question of one’s imagination: such arguments appear in plain sight in the 19th and early-20th-century rhetoric. So where can 
Estonia
deu. Estland, est. Eesti

Estonia is a country in north-eastern Europe. It is inhabited by around 1.3 million people and borders Latvia, Russia and the Baltic Sea. The most populous city and capital is Tallinn.

Today's Estonian state only regained its political independence in 1991 as a result of the so-called “Singing Revolution” in the Baltic states and in the wake of the collapse of the Soviet Union. Estonian independence was first proclaimed in 1918 and achieved through the “Estonian War of Independence” (1918-1920). As early as 1940, this first Estonian state was replaced by the “Estonian Soviet Socialist Republic”, which was founded under Soviet occupation. With an interruption due to the German occupation during the Second World War (1941-1944) and with slightly different borders, it was a constituent republic of the Soviet Union until 1991. Before 1918, the territory of present-day Estonia was part of the Russian Empire, with its northern part forming the Baltic Governorate of Estonia and its southern part the northern half of the Baltic Governorate of Livonia. In the High and Late Middle Ages and at the beginning of the early modern period, parts of today's country were also under Swedish, Danish and Polish rule, while the Livonian part was also under the sovereignty of the Teutonic Order until 1561.

Estonia has been part of the European Union and NATO since 2004.

Estland in the Online Encyclopedia of the Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe (German)
Estland at Google Maps
 and 
Latvia
deu. Lettland, eng. Latvian Republic, lav. Latvija

Latvia is a Baltic state in the north-east of Europe and is home to about 1.9 million inhabitants. The capital of the country is Riga. The state borders in the west on the Baltic Sea and on the states of Lithuania, Estonia, Russia and Belarus. Latvia has been a member of the EU since 01.05.2004 and only became independent in the 19th century.

Lettland in the Online Encyclopedia of the Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe (German)
Lettland at Google Maps
 be placed in the global debates about (post)colonialism?6

From colonial fantasies to colonial narrative

In the Baltic region, several empires and 'cultural contestants' were at play in the 19th century: the nationally 'awakening' communities of Estonians and Latvians, the local Baltic German cultural elite, their German 'motherland', as well as the Russian 'fatherland'. From the point of view of cultural and art history, it was the relationship between this borderland and Germany that was central.
In den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts wurde kunsthistorisches Material häufig in den Dienst politischer Erzählungen über die Gegenwart gestellt. Schema auslandsdeutscher Bauten
In den ersten Jahrzehnten des 20. Jahrhunderts wurde kunsthistorisches Material häufig in den Dienst politischer Erzählungen über die Gegenwart gestellt. Schema auslandsdeutscher Bauten
In the first decades of the 20th century, art historical material was often used in the service of political narratives about the present. Scheme of German buildings abroad. Verein für das Deutschtum im Ausland. Dresden, Free access - no reuse
In the first decades of the 20th century, art historical material was often used in the service of political narratives about the present. Scheme of German buildings abroad. Verein für das Deutschtum im Ausland. Dresden, Free access - no reuse
One of the first authors to address the myth of colonization was historian and geographer Johann Georg Kohl in 1841, who described the Estonians as the culturally least developed people of Europe. His account was criticized by contemporaries, but the important part is that he wrote of Old 
Livonia
deu. Livland, est. Liivimaa, lav. Livonija, dan. Lyffland, swe. Livland, eng. Livland, deu. Vidzeme, lat. Livonia, rus. Lifliandiia, rus. Lifljandija, rus. Liflândiâ, rus. Лифляндия, rus. Livonija, rus. Livoniâ, rus. Ливония, rus. Vidzeme, rus. Видземе, pol. Liwlandia, lat. Terra Mariana, rus. Livoniia, rus. Livonya, rus. Liwonija, deu. Eifland, deu. Liefland, dan. Livland

Livonia (Livonija in Latvian, Liivimaa in Estonian) is a historical landscape in the Baltic States. It comprises the southern part of present-day Estonia and the part of present-day Latvia north of the Daugava River. The landscape was named after the Livonians, a population group that hardly exists today.

Historically, the name Livonia can refer to other, different contexts. The governorate of the same name, which was one of the three Baltic Sea governorates of the Russian Empire, is particularly influential for today's understanding of the historical region. It existed from the beginning of the 18th century until 1918 and its capital was Riga, located at the mouth of the Duna.

Livonia had previously given its name to other states and confederations, most notably the Livonian Confederation, which had existed since the High Middle Ages. The Livonian part of the Teutonic Order as well as regional ecclesiastical states belonged to the confederation. The confederation also included large parts of the present-day states of Latvia and Estonia. After the dissolution of the confederation and the Teutonic Order state in the 16th century, sovereignty changed several times. Without the southern and northern areas, Livonia initially came under Polish-Lithuanian rule, later also under Swedish suzerainty, before coming under Russian rule in the course of the Great Northern War (1700-1721). Until the beginning of the 20th century, the central role of the landowning German-speaking nobility was particularly influential in the internal social organization of the rural area.

Livland in the Online Encyclopedia of the Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe (German)
Livland at Google Maps
 as a transmarine colony. Kohl stressed that it was the only colony the Germans had had.7 Instead of seeing the Baltic region as a negative example of slavery within Europe, such discussions served to make it into an exemplary case of early German colonialism – to show that in its attitude toward the local peoples, the Ostsiedlung had been more noble and humane than was the case in the later transoceanic colonies.8 As the Baltic German intellectual Alexander von Hueck wrote in 1845: “Livonia is a colony of Germany. Nevertheless, the Germans here were by no means colonists in the sense in which they are today in the forests of North America.”9
To take it a step further, the Baltic lands were essentially given the title of the prototype for all later colonies. For the emerging German colonial self-image such exaggerations were most fitting. As historian Ulrike Plath has aptly pointed out, at that time we can speak about colonial fantasies rather than an established discourse, which only began to develop with the unification of Germany.10 In the late 19th century, however, this began to be shaped into a fully-fledged colonial narrative. A significant example is the Deutsche Kolonial-Atlas, compiled by the German geographer and cartographer Paul Langhans11, which sought to map the history of this 'cultural mission' in the distant peripheries, including the trading colonies of the Hanseatic League.
Die Neuinterpretation mittelalterlicher Handelsbeziehungen, Siedlungs- und Migrationsgeschichten unter kolonialen Gesichtspunkten. Historische Karte Deutsche Kolonisation im Osten. II. Auf slawischem Boden aus Paul Langhans' Deutscher Kolonial-Atlas, Nr.
Die Neuinterpretation mittelalterlicher Handelsbeziehungen, Siedlungs- und Migrationsgeschichten unter kolonialen Gesichtspunkten. Historische Karte Deutsche Kolonisation im Osten. II. Auf slawischem Boden aus Paul Langhans' Deutscher Kolonial-Atlas, Nr.
Reinventing medieval trade relations, settlement and migration histories in colonial terms. Historical map Deutsche Kolonisation im Osten. II. Auf slawischem Boden from Paul Langhans’ Deutscher Kolonial-Atlas, Nr. 7. Gotha 1897. Forschungsbibliothek Gotha der Universität Erfurt, Free access - no reuse
Reinventing medieval trade relations, settlement and migration histories in colonial terms. Historical map Deutsche Kolonisation im Osten. II. Auf slawischem Boden from Paul Langhans’ Deutscher Kolonial-Atlas, Nr. 7. Gotha 1897. Forschungsbibliothek Gotha der Universität Erfurt, Free access - no reuse
He argued that the German contemporary colonial project did not simply appear out of nowhere – it was framed by many centuries of colonial activity.12
In short, the colonial shadow cast upon Eastern Europe appeared to make up for the colonial deficit of the young German state. Indeed, it must have been a reassuring idea, as Plath asserts, that “Germany may not have entered the stage of colonial empires too late, but too early”, meaning that “its fundamental global historical importance had simply been forgotten” over time.13
This found a response in the art historical writing about the Baltic region, and a surprisingly uncritical one. Architect and art historian Wilhelm Neumann repeatedly wrote of the “colonial character of Old Livonia”.14 German influence was the common trope of any writing on Baltic art ever since the first professional accounts were published (in German until the 1910s).

Colonial discourse around World War I

In 1841, Kohl had begun his account with the sentences: “The colonies which the Germans founded in the 12th and 13th centuries on the eastern coasts of the Baltic Sea, and the territories which they acquired here in the lands of the Latvians and Estonians, were formerly – before they fell into the hands of the Russian scepter – better known in our [German] fatherland than they are now.”15 Georg Dehio – this most influential name in German art history and heritage preservation, born in 
Tallinn
deu. Reval

Tallinn (until 1918 Reval) is the capital of Estonia. It is located in the Harju County, right on the Baltic Sea and is home to about 434,000 people.

Tallinn in the Online Encyclopedia of the Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe (German)
Tallinn at Google Maps
 (Reval) – wrote more or less the same in 1915: “In Germany there is great ignorance about the Baltic Germans. There is more indifference towards our oldest, nearest and largest colony than there is about the precarious settlements of Africa and Australia.”16 In the same year, the Baltic provinces were described as the “oldest and only colonies of the Holy Roman Empire of the German Nation”17 by the historian Theodor Schiemann, another Tallinn-born scholar and a distinguished Berlin professor, one of the father figures of Ostforschung.
Maintaining the role of a cultural boundary between Western Europe and Russia was believed to have been an important mission and historical contribution of the Baltic lands. In the politically charged rhetoric of World War I, the idea of German supremacy – and indeed the perspective of becoming a part of the German Reich – proved to be particularly effective tools.18 Dehio implied just that when he claimed in 1918: “The fact that the Baltic Sea still belongs to the West is thanks to the Livonian colony.”19 He called the readers to “imagine what would have happened if Livonia, Estonia and 
Courland
deu. Kurland, lav. Kurzeme, rus. Kurljandja, rus. Курляндия, lat. Curonia, lat. Couronia, swe. Kurland, dan. Kurland, lat. Curlandia, pol. Kurlandia, rus. Kuronija, rus. Kuroniâ, rus. Курония, rus. Kurzeme, rus. Курземе, rus. Kurlândiâ, rus. Kurliandii︠a︡

Kurland is a historical landscape in present-day Latvia. It extends between the Baltic Sea and the Gulf of Riga, the Daugava River in the northeast and Lithuania in the south. Its name is derived from the Baltic Curonians, who lived here alongside the Ugro-Finnish Livonians. The largest cities in Kurland include Liepāja, Jelgava and Ventspils.

Today's understanding of the region is partly shaped by the Russian Baltic Sea Governorate of Courland, which existed from 1795 and formally until 1918. This actually included the smaller regions of Semigallia and Upper Latvia, which formed the central and eastern parts of the governorate. Today, they are often included when Courland is mentioned in a historical context. In the High Middle Ages, the influences of the Ugro-Finnish and Baltic peoples on the one hand and the Vikings on the other intersected here. In the Late Middle Ages and Early Modern Period, the region was also under the rule of Sweden, Denmark and, in particular, the Teutonic Order. Due to pressure from Russia and Sweden, the Order eventually withdrew from the area. Smaller parts of Courland were subsequently incorporated into Poland-Lithuania. The largest part remained a fiefdom of Poland-Lithuania until 1795 as the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia. Although Russian influence gradually increased, Courland did not become part of the Russian Empire until the Third Partition of Poland-Lithuania in 1795 – significantly later than the other two Baltic Sea provinces of Estonia and Livonia, which had already come under Russian rule during the Great Northern War (1700–1721).

Kurland in the Online Encyclopedia of the Culture and History of the Germans in Eastern Europe (German)
 had been colonized by Russians instead of Germans”.20
Many scholars adopted similar patterns with their own twists, also after Estonia and Latvia became independent republics in 1918. Although first “transplanted onto colonial soil, Germanness has become rooted in this soil” over the centuries, wrote architect and historian Heinz Pirang in 1926, believing that this 'Germanness' had developed significant regional characteristics.21 He divided the history of Baltic architecture into three periods, starting with the era of construction (1200–1550) “under the sign of ‘colonial thought’”, when “German colonial culture is represented in the most dignified form by Gothic architectural monuments”.22 This was followed by an era of destruction during the Livonian War and the Great Northern War; and ultimately an era of reconstruction (1721–1914), by which time independent “Baltic thought” was clearly visible.23
It is more difficult to figure out if this open emphasis on the sovereignty of Baltic German culture was building on, or counter-reacting to, the above-mentioned ideas of colonization. Compared to the common 'victim' narrative that the Baltic Germans adopted for their history since the 1920s, these examples certainly tell a very different story. Although his motive continued to be to demonstrate that Baltic art was part of German art, Dehio also declared: “Note that, for example, Reval today has more late-Gothic carved altars in its churches than Straßburg, Rostock more than Ulm – so it is proved that there can be no talk of an inferiority of the colonial lands compared to Old Germany”.24
In der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus wurden die Karten der historischen Einflüsse der baltischen Kunst vor 1918 noch deutlicher. Reproduktion aus Niels von Holst, Die deutsche Kunst des Baltenlandes im Lichte neuer Forschung. München 1942, S. 9
In der Zeit des Nationalsozialismus wurden die Karten der historischen Einflüsse der baltischen Kunst vor 1918 noch deutlicher. Reproduktion aus Niels von Holst, Die deutsche Kunst des Baltenlandes im Lichte neuer Forschung. München 1942, S. 9
In the Nazi German period, maps of the historical influences of Baltic art before 1918 became even more explicit. Reproduction from Niels von Holst, Die deutsche Kunst des Baltenlandes im Lichte neuer Forschung. München 1942, p. 9. Free access - no reuse
In the Nazi German period, maps of the historical influences of Baltic art before 1918 became even more explicit. Reproduction from Niels von Holst, Die deutsche Kunst des Baltenlandes im Lichte neuer Forschung. München 1942, p. 9. Free access - no reuse
Historians should be careful not to overload the occurrences of colonial vocabulary in old texts with today’s interpretations. But the rhetoric of World War I does make the German colonial ambitions towards the Baltic region most evident – all the more so as the downsides of a colonial world order are hardly ever hinted at. These 700 years of 'grand colonial history' were, of course, the same period that Estonian scholars of the national 'awakening' (such as Jakob Hurt or Carl Robert Jakobson) named the 700 years of colonial darkness.
From this perspective, the Baltic region represents a perfect case of “intra-European colonialism”, a narrative that was to reach its high tide in the early 20th century. Although the myth of having a colony since the 13th century did not quite fit European models of colonialism, it nonetheless serves as an important addition to the broader structures of colonial history and imagination. Projecting one’s contemporary conditions – and wishful thinking – onto history often happens when historical justification is demanded for enforcing the political goals of the present. Today, as Europe witnesses new violent attempts by states to claim neighboring territories as their own, these texts can thus serve to remind us that taking up intellectual arms is not a mere matter of mind game: it can have very immediate effects on the real world.
English translation: William Connor
Kristina Jõekalda
Go to author biography

Footnotes
1.
Falser, Michael S.: German Colonial Architecture from a Global Perspective, in: TUM Review. Department of Architecture, 2021, p. 48.
2.
See Feldbauer, Peter (Hg.): Mediterraner Kolonialismus. Expansion und Kulturaustausch im Mittelalter. Essen 2005; Mitterauer, Michael: The Crusades and Protocolonialism: The Roots of European Expansionism, in: ders.: Why Europe: The Medieval Origins of Its Special Path. Trans. Gerald Chapple. Chicago / London 2010 [2003], pp. 194–231; Belcher, Wendy Laura: Sisters Debating the Jesuits: The Role of African Women in Defeating Portuguese Proto-Colonialism in Seventeenth-Century Abyssinia, in: Northeast African Studies, 13, No. 1, 2013, pp. 121–166; Austen, Ralph A.: Monsters of Protocolonial Economic Enterprise: East India Companies and Slave Plantations, in: Critical Historical Studies, 4, No. 2, 2017, pp. 139–177.
3.
See Raid, Tõnu / Kruup, Tiina (Hg.): Livoniae descriptio. Eesti- ja Liivimaa vanadel kaartidel / Estonia and Livonia on Old Maps. Tallinn 2024.
4.
See also Ackermann, Felix / Pufelska, Agnieszka (Hg.): Preußen postkolonial. Themenheft in Geschichte und Gesellschaft, 4, 2021. For a longer analysis, see Jõekalda, Kristina: Die authentischsten Deutschen? Deutschbaltische Debatten über Kolonialismus und Architekturerbe bis in die 1920er Jahre, oder: Georg Dehios Leistung für das ‘Baltenlandʼ, in: Berger, Stefan; Cercel, Cristian; Koranyi, James (Hg.): Entgrenzte Deutsche. Deutsche Identitätskonstruktionen in transnationalen Kontexten. Regensburg [forthcoming].
5.
See Wolff, Larry: Inventing Eastern Europe: The Map of Civilization on the Mind of Enlightenment. Stanford 1994.
6.
To make matters more multilayered, the Duchy of Courland and Semigallia – in today’s Latvia – itself possessed colonies in America and Africa in the late 17th century. See Merritt, Harry C.: The Colony of the Colonized: The Duchy of Courland’s Tobago Colony and Contemporary Latvian National Identity, in: Nationalities Papers, 38, No. 4, 2010, pp. 491–508; Sooman, Imbi et al.: From the Port of Ventspils to Great Courland Bay: The Couronian Colony on Tobago in Past and Present, in: Journal of Baltic Studies, 44, No. 4, 2013, pp. 503–526; Freeman, John: The Struggle for Neutrality: An Examination of the Duchy of Courland in the Baltic and Atlantic, 1642–1698, in: Atlantic Studies, 20, issue 1, 2021, pp. 2–32.
7.
Kohl, Johann G.: Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen. Oder Natur- und Völkerleben in Kur-, Liv- und Esthland, B. 1–2. Dresden / Leipzig 1841. See Annus, Epp / Peiker, Piret / Lukas, Liina: Colonial Regimes in the Baltic States, in: Interlitteraria, 18, H. 2, 2013, p. 550; Degen, Andreas: Johann Georg Kohls Bericht über die Esten (1840/41). Ein Fallbeispiel zur Genese und Rezeption von populärem Wissen im 19. Jahrhundert, in: Saagpakk, Maris et al. (Hg.): Baltische Erzähl- und Lebenswelten. Kultur-, literatur-, translations- und sprachwissenschaftliche Aspekte. Berlin / Boston 2023, pp. 255–269.
8.
Plath, Ulrike: „Euroopa viimased metslased“: eestlased saksa koloniaaldiskursis, 1770–1870 [‘Europe’s last savages’: Estonians in German colonial discourse], in: Undusk, Rein (Hg.): Rahvuskultuur ja tema teised. Tallinn 2008, pp. 47f.
9.
[Hueck, Alexander von:] Darstellung der landwirthschaftlichen Verhältnisse in Esth-, Liv- und Curland. Leipzig 1845, p. 60.
10.
Plath, Ulrike: Esten und Deutsche in den baltischen Provinzen Russlands. Fremdheitskonstruktionen, Lebenswelten, Kolonialphantasien 1750–1850. Wiesbaden 2011, pp. 12–14.
11.
Langhans, Paul: Deutscher Kolonial-Atlas. Gotha 1893–1897.
12.
See Demhardt, Imre Josef: Paul Langhans und der Deutsche Kolonial-Atlas, 1893–1897, in: Cartographica Helvetica, 40, 2009, p. 19; Kopp, Kristin: Germany’s Wild East: Constructing Poland as Colonial Space. Ann Arbor 2012, p. 2.
13.
Plath, Ulrike: Das Bremer Börsenbild als Allegorie. Planwagen, Konquistadores und der „deutsche Benjamin“, in: Eesti Kunsti Muuseumi Toimetised / Proceedings of the Art Museum of Estonia, 5/10, 2015, p. 375. See Plath, Ulrike: Esten und Deutsche in den baltischen Provinzen Russlands. Fremdheitskonstruktionen, Lebenswelten, Kolonialphantasien 1750–1850. Wiesbaden 2011, pp. 276–278, 283.
14.
Neumann, Wilhelm: Lübecks künstlerische Beziehungen zu Alt-Livland. In: Mitteilungen des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde, 13, H. 6, 1918, pp. 94–95.
15.
Kohl, Johann G.: Die deutsch-russischen Ostseeprovinzen. Oder Natur- und Völkerleben in Kur-, Liv- und Esthland, B. 1–2. Dresden / Leipzig 1841, p. iii.
16.
Dehio, Georg: Grenzvölker. Deutsch-Balten und Elsässer. Heimatgefühl, Volksgefühl, Staatsgefühl [1915], in: ders.: Kleine Aufsätze und Ansprachen. Mannheim 1930, p. 35.
17.
Schiemann, Theodor: Überblick über die Geschichte der Deutschen Kolonien an der Ostsee, in: Die Deutschen Ostseeprovinzen Russlands geschichtlich, kulturell und wirtschaftlich dargestellt von Kennern der baltischen Provinzen. Berlin 1915, p. 5.
18.
See Kienemann, Christoph: Der koloniale Blick gen Osten. Osteuropa im Diskurs des Deutschen Kaiserreiches von 1871. Paderborn 2018, p. 252.
19.
Dehio, Georg. Livland und Elsass [1918a], in: ders.: Kleine Aufsätze und Ansprachen. Mannheim 1930, pp. 51f.
20.
Dehio, Georg: Livlands Leistung für Deutschland [1918b], in: ders.: Kleine Aufsätze und Ansprachen. Mannheim 1930, p. 40.
21.
Pirang, Heinz. Das baltische Herrenhaus, B. 1. Riga 1926, p. 14.
22.
Pirang, Heinz. Das baltische Herrenhaus, B. 1. Riga 1926, pp. 10f.
23.
Pirang, Heinz. Das baltische Herrenhaus, B. 1. Riga 1926, p. 13.
24.
Dehio, Georg: Geschichte der deutschen Kunst, B. 2. Berlin u. a. 1921, p. 191.

Literature
  • Annus, Epp/Peiker, Piret/Lukas, Liina: Colonial Regimes in the Baltic States. In: Interlitteraria 18, 2. p. 545–554.
  • Dehio, Georg: Geschichte der deutschen Kunst. Vol. 2. Berlin 1921.
  • Dehio, Georg: Kleine Aufsätze und Ansprachen. Mannheim 1930.
  • Kienemann, Christoph: Der koloniale Blick gen Osten. Osteuropa im Diskurs des Deutschen Kaiserreiches von 1871. Paderborn 2018.
  • Langhans, Paul: Deutscher Kolonial-Atlas. Gotha 1897.
  • Neumann, Wilhelm: Lübecks künstlerische Beziehungen zu Alt-Livland. In: Mitteilungen des Vereins für Lübeckische Geschichte und Altertumskunde 13, 6. p. 93-108.
  • Plath, Ulrike: Esten und Deutsche in den baltischen Provinzen Russlands. Fremdheitskonstruktionen, Lebenswelten, Kolonialphantasien 1750 - 1850. Wiesbaden 2011 (=Veröffentlichungen des Nordost-Instituts 11).
  • Raid, Tõnu/Kruup, Tiina (eds.): Livoniae descriptio. Eesti- ja Liivimaa vanadel kaartidel. Tallinn 2024.
  • Wolff, Larry: Inventing Eastern Europe. The Map of Civilization on the Mind of Enlightenment. Stanford 1994.

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