It is difficult to speak of a single Moldovan diaspora, since the experiences of Moldavians abroad have been too diverse. Yet the expression plays a central role in Moldavia’s political discourse – both with those happy to be part of it, and those who feel more skeptical. A closer consideration of the term reveals a fundamental struggle for belonging in the context of migration.
On 21 May 2023, around 80,000 people gathered in the center of , the capital of . They held placards with slogans such as “The diaspora supports a European Republic of Moldova” or “The diaspora is with us” („Diaspora e cu noi“). The government had issued invitations to the “Adunarea Națională Moldova Europeană” – the “National Assembly of European Moldova”. Participants listened to addresses from President Maia Sandu, from the President of the European Parliament, Roberta Metsola, and others who welcomed Moldovan’s pro-European stance. Despite what some critics had said prior to the event, its message was clear: Moldova wanted to align itself with the European Union. Ukrainian flags were seen waving alongside Moldovan and European ones, as a sign of solidarity with the war-plagued neighbor whose alignment with the EU was also under discussion.
Chișinău
rus. Кишинёв, rus. Kišinëv, deu. Kischinau, yid. qešenev, yid. קעשענעוו, pol. Kiszyniów, ron. Kišinèu, ron. Кишинэу, deu. Chișinău
Chișinău (Population 2024: 567,038) is the capital of the Republic of Moldova. It lies in the middle of the country on the river Bâc. In the 13th century, the city belonged to the Principality of Moldavia, which was first dependent on Poland and then on the Ottoman Empire. Chișinău only experienced an upswing after it became Russian in 1818. From 1918 to 1940, Chișinău belonged to Romania until the city was annexed by the USSR along with Bessarabia. The recent appearance of s Chișinău is characterized by developments during the Soviet period after the end of the German-Romanian occupation (1941-1944). Since 1991 and 1992, respectively, Chișinău has been the capital of the independent Republic of Moldova.
Moldova
eng. Republic of Moldova, ron. Republica Moldova, deu. Moldau, deu. Republik Moldau
Moldova, also known as the Republic of Moldova, is a landlocked country located in South-Eastern Europe. The country borders Ukraine and Romania. Moldova is home to nearly 3.5 million people, most of whom speak Romanian, Russian, and Ukrainian. The largest river in the country is the Prut.
The reference to the diaspora in the political life of the Republic of Moldova was made for good reason: around a third of the Moldovan population, around a million people, live abroad.1 They are outside the country, and yet still present; for many families in their homeland, the financial support that they provide – the so-called
Remittances
Remittances
Remittances refer to the money that migrants send to their relatives in their country of origin. These remittances can be material goods and money, but also intangible remittances (ideas, concepts, values).
2 – forms a central part of their household income and helps to make up for the shortcomings of the Moldovan welfare state. This is how Moldovans abroad express their attachment, but their participation also gives them the right to a voice. However, this ‘external’ influence is controversial, both politically and socially. The tension it creates is particularly visible at major events like that held in May 2023 or at elections such as those held in autumn 2024 and now in autumn 2025. It also prompts a larger question: how does migration change our understanding of belonging and citizenship?
In his analysis, social scientist Robin Cohen borrows a metaphor used by the philosopher Ludwig Wittgenstein: a diaspora can be thought of as a rope made up many individual, interconnected fibers. It is their interconnectedness that gives it strength – the power to “keep the ship in the harbour”, in other words, to connect the diaspora with its country of origin.3
The path to the diaspora? Moldova and migration
Since it attained independence in the 1990s, migration has played a central role for the Republic of Moldova. Many people lost their jobs following the collapse of the socialist system – emigration was therefore an obvious solution for countless families. In this early “discovery phase“4, many Moldovans looked for new perspectives, at first in Russia and other successor states of the . Later, increasing numbers were drawn to southern Europe, especially Italy and Spain, as well as to central Europe, for example, Germany.
Soviet Union
deu. Union der Sozialistischen Sowjetrepubliken, deu. Sowjetunion, rus. Sovetskiy Soyuz, rus. Советский Союз, . Совет Ушем, . Советонь Соткс, rus. Sovetskij Soûz, . Советий Союз, yid. ראַטן־פֿאַרבאַנד, yid. סאוועטן פארבאנד, yid. sovətn farband, yid. sovʿtn-farband, yid. sovətn-farband, . Советтер Союзу, . Совет Союзы, . Советон Цæдис, . Совет Эвилели
The Soviet Union (SU or USSR) was a state in Eastern Europe, Central and Northern Asia that existed from 1922 to 1991. It emerged from the so-called Soviet Russia, the successor state of the Russian Empire. The Russian Soviet Republic formed the core of the union and at the same time its largest part, with further constituent republics added. Their number varied over time and was related to the occupation of other countries (Estonia, Latvia, Lithuania), Soviet republics that existed only for a short time (Karelo-Finlandia) or the division or merger of Soviet republics. In addition, there were numerous autonomous republics or other territorial units with an autonomy status that was essentially limited to linguistic autonomy for minorities.
Before its formal dissolution, the USSR consisted of 15 Soviet republics with a population of approximately 290 million people. At around 22.4 million km², it was the largest territorial state in the world at the time. The Soviet Union was a socialist soviet republic with a one-party system and an absence of separation of powers.
Around the turn of the millennium the first pathways were established and a “chain migration” was achieved as more and more people followed the first generation of migrants. Many worked in precarious jobs in the care sector, in agriculture or on building sites. accession to the EU in 2007 was a decisive step that fundamentally changed the migration options for Moldavians: many also had or obtained Romanian citizenship and could now live and work in the EU more easily (and more legally).
Romania
deu. Rumänien, ron. România
Romania is a country in southeastern Europe with a population of almost 20 million people. The capital of the country is Bucharest. The state is situated directly on the Black Sea, the Carpathian Mountains and borders Bulgaria, Serbia, Hungary, Ukraine and Moldova. Romania was established in 1859 from the merger of Moldova and Wallachia. Romania is home to Transylvania, the central region for the German minority there.
Crises such as the Covid pandemic and the
Russian war of aggression against Ukraine
Russian war of aggression against Ukraine
In February 2022, Russia invaded Ukraine, escalating tensions that had been running high since the annexation of Crimea in 2014. In addition to widespread destruction and war casualties, the war of aggression triggered a wave of migration. Moldova served as a transit country for these refugees, but also took in Ukrainian refugees.
have meant that freedom of movement has again become restricted in recent years. Yet emigration remains a mass phenomenon: almost every Moldovan family has one family member living abroad. Some commute back and forth on a regular basis, while others have moved away more permanently. What they share is the fact that they maintain contact with each other – many return “acasă”, or “home” in the summer months, and remain closely connected via social media. “Life takes place in various locations […] – but it still remains one and the same life.“5
This balancing act shapes the everyday life and self-image of many mobile Moldovans. Migration research is attempting to model this phenomenon: since the 1990s it has increasingly seen migration from a transnational perspective.6 In this approach, countries of origin and adoption are seen as being closely interconnected – they influence each other; social networks are formed in the country of origin as well as abroad. In this sense the mobility of the Moldovans creates a common frame of reference, connecting different geographical places with each other. From the outside they are usually perceived as migrants, but many strive to maintain a sense of belonging to their country of origin despite their physical separation from it. They are also actively interested in the well-being of their families in Moldova and so remain in close contact. Do they fulfil the requirements for a diaspora despite all this, in the way that Moldovan politicians like to portray?
This balancing act shapes the everyday life and self-image of many mobile Moldovans. Migration research is attempting to model this phenomenon: since the 1990s it has increasingly seen migration from a transnational perspective.6 In this approach, countries of origin and adoption are seen as being closely interconnected – they influence each other; social networks are formed in the country of origin as well as abroad. In this sense the mobility of the Moldovans creates a common frame of reference, connecting different geographical places with each other. From the outside they are usually perceived as migrants, but many strive to maintain a sense of belonging to their country of origin despite their physical separation from it. They are also actively interested in the well-being of their families in Moldova and so remain in close contact. Do they fulfil the requirements for a diaspora despite all this, in the way that Moldovan politicians like to portray?
A dangerous dispersal or a rich opportunity?
Around a million Moldovans are living abroad today, and they are joined by around 40,000 more every year.7 Rural areas are particularly affected by the declining population; the lack of prospects means that Moldova is ageing and shrinking. Where does everybody go? The last presidential elections showed that the largest groups are now living in Italy, the United Kingdom, Germany, Russia, Romania, Ireland and the United States.8
The fact that overseas voters were not only allowed to vote in the presidential election but simultaneously in the
Referendum
Referendum
also:
A referendum is a popular vote on a specific issue with the aim of achieving direct and democratic decision-making.
on the pro-European course of the Moldovan government turned out to be politically contentious. Critics questioned the legitimacy of the votes from the diaspora, since these were found to be overwhelmingly pro-European. The result of the referendum was only narrowly in favor of a pro-EU course, but of those Moldovans who cast their votes abroad, as many as 83% voted for Maia Sandu. Ballot question, Referenda, Referendums
Their vote was thus decisive – for the outcome of the presidential election as well as for the referendum. For some it was a sign of solidarity – “Diaspora e cu noi” (“the diaspora is with us”) – while for others it was a provocation: how fair is it for people to vote in a country’s elections when they don’t live there? The diaspora had already enabled the election victory of Maia Sandu in 2020 – at the time, her opposition candidate Igor Dodon spoke disparagingly of a “parallel electorate”.9 Today, too, Sandu is under pressure: she must demonstrate that she is not only the “president of the diaspora”.
The issues surrounding the legitimacy of these elections highlight the differences between the various groups of Moldovans abroad. It is hard to classify them as a single community, even if many of them continue to have Moldovan citizenship. Anyone who has already established themselves in another country and who has the necessary resources can register and help organize local
polling stations
polling stations
A polling station is a place where people can cast their vote on election day (see citizenship). Polling stations are set up for this purpose in public places such as schools, government offices, etc. It is also the place where the votes are later counted.
or travel home to vote. For others – for example, seasonal workers or caregivers – this is often impossible. Their daily lives are frequently shaped by uncertain working and living conditions, and many of them have other priorities; the distance to the polling station, long working hours and a lack of information about their voting rights make participation difficult.
Despite these differences, the Moldovan government defines the diaspora very broadly, not in terms of who belongs to it but according to who could belong: it includes all of those “who consider themselves to be of Moldovan origin and who are temporarily or permanently residing abroad including their descendants and the communities they form”10.
Why this broad definition? Migration is one of the biggest challenges faced by Moldova – a demographic disaster with social and economic consequences. In the short-term it is almost impossible to stop, so the government is attempting to strengthen the links between those who have emigrated and their country of origin. Whoever feels that they belong to Moldova can remain a part of the country, even if they are far away. The hope is to counteract the “phenomenon of uprooting”11 by means of this extended definition of belonging; to bind the Moldovans to their land just like the ship in the metaphor above. This makes migration less permanent; the relationship between here and there remains intact for the time being.
The appeal of the state and social reality
Appeals to Moldovans abroad follow a clear strategy. Many of them are primarily involved with their families and social networks: through the targeted use of the expression “diaspora”, the state attempts to include them more comprehensively and give them a stronger sense of responsibility. This type of mobilization, used very deliberately by the
Biroul Relații cu Diaspora
Biroul Relații cu Diaspora
The BRD is based at the Moldovan State Chancellery and acts as an interface between the Moldovan state and the Moldovan diaspora—i.e., Moldovans living abroad. It coordinates Moldovan policy with regard to citizens outside the country. In addition, it provides information and support for organizing events at home and abroad, hosts conferences, and offers return programs for Moldovans who want to resettle in their country of origin.
(which roughly translates as “Ministry for Diaspora Relations“), has a reach that would be difficult to achieve with other concepts.
It is probably their shared reality that can connect the members of the Moldovan diaspora more than anything else: the first generation of emigrants would have had similar experiences to the people who commute between Moldova and another country on a regular basis. Common patterns can also be found between those who are old enough to have experienced the Soviet Union – a time in which mistrust of state institutions was the norm, and informal networks played an important role – and people who have had to accept social losses as a result of migration. And yet they do not form a unified group. Such a community can only be formed if there are common cultural reference points, similar experiences made in the same period and comparable living situations.12
It is easier to think of Moldovans abroad as an “imagined community”13: they are united by common historic and contemporary experiences although their perspectives on the world are very different. The different expressions – Moldovans abroad, moldoveni in Italia/Germania/…, diaspora – reflect their diversity to a certain extent, but provide little information about the individuals behind them and their biographies. In this respect, belonging cannot simply be assigned or imposed, it must be continually reestablished, finding its place between collective demands and individual needs.
Is there actually a diaspora? The potential for conflict
Recent elections and the pro-European declarations made in spring 2023 have shown unequivocally how belonging arises from participation: Moldovans abroad remain connected to their country of origin in very different ways. Some are actively involved in elections and events, while others limit their engagement to their own immediate surroundings. Despite their varying levels of involvement, all these forms of engagement indicate the emotional connections of Moldovans abroad to Moldovan society.
In short: Moldovans abroad display many of the characteristics that Cohen observes in diaspora communities, but they cannot do much with the expression itself. They are at the centre of a “tug of love”, but the question is, which direction are they being pulled in and where will they end up, these people who are so central to the transnational activities of Moldova? How do Moldovan citizens abroad negotiate their contested belonging within the discourse of the diaspora? What are their concerns and aspirations regarding their homeland? What are the potential areas of conflict with the population that has stayed behind, and how do these ultimately influence the way in which the country and its people see themselves?
These questions remain highly relevant for Moldova and its citizens, both at home and abroad. Many have long felt that they are part of the EU, while others see in the EU institutions another kind of hegemony and look back nostalgically at their Soviet past. The question of which direction the country will move in and what effect this will have on its often politically estranged citizens cannot be answered by elections alone. The story of Moldova as a border country and a bone of contention must continue to be told, and hopefully the members of the diaspora will be included in it and remain with us, just as Moldova has remained with them.
English translation: Gwen Clayton
