To what extent do anti-East-European discourses influence the self-image of young people from Russia? 16 people were interviewed on this topic. The study revealed that there was an established negative self-image among the interviewees, as well as an internalized image of an idealized ‘(Western) Europe’.
Introduction
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Russians
Russians
In the Russian language, a distinction is made between two different kinds of “Russian”. The term русский (russkij), used here by Ryklin, refers to people who are ethnically Russian, while the term россиянин (rossijanin) refers to people who have Russian citizenship. As not all interviewees are ethnically Russian, the term “Russian” used elsewhere in this article refers to people with either or both (Russian ethnicity and/or citizenship). The term “ethnic Russian” will be used where this distinction is relevant.
define themselves "as a counterweight to Europe [...], as bearers of a fundamentally different identity"1, wrote the Russian philosopher Mikhail Ryklin.
The process of identification
The process of identification
The term “identity” or “identification” is a very vague concept. There are many different definitions. In his book ‘Social Identity‘ (2014, pp. 6-13), sociologist Richard Jenkins defines identification as the human ability to know who is who. He also emphasizes that our self-identification depends on how we categorize others.
is based on the fact that members of one group define themselves in terms of their “not belonging” to another group.2 However, it is worth noting the role that Europe plays in negotiating the self-image of Russians. While it is true that a group negotiates its own self-identification, it may also adopt an external attribution, for example in cases where this external attribution is made by persons or groups to whom authority is ascribed.3
Stuart Hall describes ‘the West’4 as a type of society associated with an "set of images" and with certain adjectives, including: “developed, industrialized, urbanized, capitalist, secular and modern”5. Ultimately, "the Rest becomes defined as everything that the West is not"6. What place does occupy in this discourse? Madina Tlostanova places Russia in the semi-periphery, as a country that is culturally, technologically and intellectually dominated by the ‘West’, which can be described as the ‘center’, but at the same time colonizes other countries that can be described as the ‘periphery’.7
Stuart Hall describes ‘the West’4 as a type of society associated with an "set of images" and with certain adjectives, including: “developed, industrialized, urbanized, capitalist, secular and modern”5. Ultimately, "the Rest becomes defined as everything that the West is not"6. What place does
Russia
deu. Russland, rus. Rossija, rus. Россия
The Russian Federation is the largest territorial state in the world and is inhabited by about 145 million people. The capital and largest city is Moscow, with about 11.5 million inhabitants, followed by St. Petersburg with more than 5.3 million inhabitants. The majority of the population lives in the European part of Russia, which is much more densely populated than the Asian part.
Since 1992, the Russian Federation has been the successor state to the Russian Soviet Republic (Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic, RSFSR), by far the largest constituent state of the former Soviet Union. It is also the legal successor of the Soviet Union in the sense of international law.
Background to the study
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The study examines the extent to which anti-East-European discourses influence the self-image of young Russians who still live in their home country or who have emigrated to Germany. Anti-East-European discourses are understood as negative ways of thinking about people who are ascribed an ‘Eastern European’ origin. Russia plays the role of the prototype of these discourses.8 Wolfgang Wippermann, who described the development and characteristics of anti-East-European discourses in Germany, called the longevity of the fixed ideas about ‘the East’ “the geo-stereotypical prison ‘East’” and stated sixteen years ago that ‘the Germans’ are still trapped in it.9 Jannis Panagiotidis and Hans-Christian Petersen classify pejorative attributions that emphasize stereotypical characteristics as anti-East-European and anti-Slavic racism. The ‘racisms’ referred to here are those directed against inhabitants of the geographical area of Eastern Europe or against people who are perceived as ‘Slavs’.10
In order to find out how anti-European discourses influence the self-image of young people, 16 Russians aged between the ages of 19 and 30 were interviewed about their own self-image and how they perceive the image of the ‘Russian’ in the eyes of others.11 Six of the interviewees described themselves as ethnic Russians, while nine classified themselves as belonging to another ethnic group, which will not be named here for data protection reasons, and one person saw herself as Russian, but not ethnically Russian, i.e., she defined herself by her nationality and not in terms of belonging to one of the two ethnic groups. The comparison between the experience of the non-Russian and Russian interviewees is necessary because the non-Russian ethnic group makes up a large proportion of the population in the interviewees' home country. Moreover, their non-Russian-ness is often invisible to outsiders, and they are perceived as ethnic Russians.
It is precisely for this reason that stereotypes about Russians (in general) are referred to in the following: The stereotypes actually refer to 'ethnic Russians', but since the non-Russian-ness of many Russians is invisible to outsiders, they are also confronted with these same stereotypes. In order to investigate the scope of the possible influence of anti-East-European discourses, not only Russians living in Russia but also Russians living in Germany were surveyed. All interviewees were born and grew up in the same constituent republic of Russia. A special type of interview was used for data collection; guided by pre-prepared questions, the interviewees were able to speak freely about their experiences. The interviews were then systematically analyzed in order that patterns could be identified, and meanings interpreted. The interviews were conducted online in April 2022. Russia's war of aggression against Ukraine, which began in February 2022, is only partially examined in this article. Some interviewees who are living in Russia made it a condition of their participation that they would not be asked any questions about it.
Negotiation of self-images
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The quote from the interview with Damir,12 which has been incorporated into the title of this article, already addresses one of the central research findings.
The interviewees compared members of their ethnic groups with outsiders and pointed out differences and similarities. For example, Kolja said: "As for people who [were born – A.M.] after the 1990s, we now live more in line with European rules [...]" When asked to elaborate on this, he replied: "I've never been to Europe, but I think everything functions pretty well there." Representatives of the non-ethnic-Russian group compared themselves, in addition to the 'European' and US-American populations, with the ethnic Russian population, who they portrayed more negatively. For example, Ajdar thinks that Russians are generally passive, while members of his ethnic group constantly want to improve themselves.
Supposed images of Russians in the eyes of foreigners
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Among other things, the interviewees were asked to describe their perception of foreign images of Russians. This reveals the extent to which anti-East-European discourses have been actively perceived. The interviewees were of the opinion that foreigners imagine their compatriots as wild, unfriendly, grumpy, uneducated people with a drinking problem who have a strong accent and an aggressive intonation when they speak in a foreign language. Ajgul, for example, says: "[...] their image of Russians is that we are not friendly, that we’re cold, and very wild [...]" Only once was a positively connoted feature of the foreign image mentioned, namely, an admiration for Russian culture. In addition, the interviewees were aware of gender-specific stereotypes that are also typical of orientalist discourses. Russians are supposedly associated with high alcohol consumption, aggressiveness and brutality: "Only men with beards, who never smile, never in their lives, and are just always drunk. No, in all honesty, there are people who seriously think that". The stereotypical images of Russian women include their desire to get married, exemplary housekeeping and appearance: "And as far as young Russian women are concerned, I think there is a stereotype abroad that they can be bought".
The interviewees who still live in Russia were confronted with the negative portrayal of their compatriots in the media, mass culture and on the internet. It is important to note here that it is not only people from other countries who spread negative images about Russians, but also often Russians themselves. The interviewees who live in Germany said that they are often told stereotypes about Russians when they first meet people, which many described as a communication barrier. Only one interviewee had experienced aggressive behavior due to her nationality. Meanwhile, their opinions about foreigners’ images of Russians vary, as do the ways in which they deal with them. Indira, for example, finds stereotypes unjustified, although she does not contradict them in conversations. Guzel, on the other hand, believes that stereotypes are based on existing problems and sees them as suggestions for improvement: "[...] there’s a recognition that [a problem - A.M.] exists. That’s the first step towards working on it and perhaps reaching a new level".
While some reported that they usually look past negative stereotypes in conversations, do not contradict them, or even perceive them as a suggestion for improvement, others find them offensive and fear being reduced to these stereotypes: "On the one hand, it's an image of a beautiful, almost elite prostitute, on the other hand, it's an image of an easily accessible, money-grabbing woman. And all of this is projected onto you." Due to negative stereotypes, one interviewee feels more comfortable around people who also have a migration background.
Self-images
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When the interviewees were explicitly asked about the characteristics of their self-image as Russians, neither exclusively positive nor negative characteristics were mentioned. One striking thing is that they often justified the negative characteristics, claiming, for example, that Russians are passive because they are severely restricted by the state, grumpy because there are so many problems, and lazy because there are no prospects in the country. Also, in some cases, it was evident that living or travelling abroad had changed the interviewees’ perceptions: one reported that, after her stay in Germany, she felt like the Russian women in her hometown wore too much make-up. Another interviewee spoke of being confronted with an unpleasant mentality when he visited his home country. He emphasized that he didn’t think it would be possible to change the Russian mentality without experiencing life in other countries.
In contrast to a neutral self-image, which they explicitly described, the interviewees only expressed a negative self-image in response to a video excerpt that served as an introduction to the interview. The clip13 from a Russian satirical series showed several stereotypes: a man constantly watching TV and avoiding his parents-in-law, a woman who is always ready to hit her husband with a frying pan, the use of the word 'sexual minority' as an insult, and Russia's poorly performing national soccer team. Almost all interviewees said that this is how they imagine the majority of the Russian population. It is noteworthy that only one interviewee admitted to having contact with people to whom these alleged character traits apply. All interviewees attributed the following characteristics to the people shown in the video clip: a low level of education, a low income, living in a small town, and belonging to an older generation. In addition, the interviewees emphasized that the younger generation was moving away from the depiction in the video clip and moving closer to 'Europe', whereby, interestingly, it was those who had never been to Europe who held this opinion.
Conclusion
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In summary, it can be confirmed that the interviewees have experienced and been confronted with negative perceptions of Russians. In addition, they have an internalized, idealized image of (Western) Europe. In particular, the interviewees who had never been abroad spoke of the Europeanization of young Russians and the more positive qualities associated with this. In contrast to a rather neutral self-image, which they described explicitly, they also expressed a negative self-image indirectly.
This article sheds light on only one aspect of the issue of identity formation among young Russians. The investigation of other aspects, such as negative Russian discourses about ethnic minorities in Russia or about the population of other post-Soviet states, would be highly desirable in view of Russia's position on the “semi-periphery”.
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English translation: William Connor